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Rupe Magna, Grosio, Valtellina, Italy

Rupe Magna (‘Big Rock’) is an 84 m long and 35 m wide rock surface which was polished by glaciers and heavily engraved during prehistoric times. The first figures belong to the final Neolithic and/or Copper Age(spirals, arcs etc.). In the Bronze Age anthropomorphic figures were added, the so-called oranti (praying figures, because they hold their arms up as if in prayer). The figures developed into fighting scenes during the Iron Age and there are even some crosses from historic times.There are more than 5000 figures engraved on this rock panel with about 60 % just cupules and lines and 30 % anthropomorphic figures. Representations of animals are scarce. It is the largest engraved rock in the Alps.

Although 83 % of the engravings are assignable to the Iron Age, the first figures belong to the final Neolithic and/or Copper Age. These consist mostly of cup and ring marks, lines or lines which are  combined to arc like motifs.

In the Bronze Age anthropomorphic figures started to be added, the so-called oranti (praying figures, because the hold their arms up as if in prayer).

Here is a figure to show you in more detail what is depicted. It was a rainy day and therefore the petroglyphs are not as visible as they are on sunny mornings or evenings when there is a deep shadow outlining the figures.

Rupe Magna, Grosio, Lombardy, Italy. Outline of anthropomorphic figure.

The figures developed into armed figures and even fighting scenes during the Iron Age and some crosses from historic times document a late use, although probably only to de-devilish the site as it was done in other areas. Representations of animals are scarce.

On the Rupestre.net webpage you can find this excellent chronological table for the Rupe Magna:

Most anthropomorphic figures were made during the Bronze Age, a time when the site was already settled. Excavations at the castle site showed that it was settled at least from the beginning of the  Bronze Age. Here the stratigraphy from the excavation (the dark red colour symbolises the prehistoric, mainly Bronze Age, settlement):

Castello Visconti near Rupe Magna. Site stratigraphy

There is also an undeniable connection to Situla art, especially the depiction of fist fights with dumb-bells. Situlas can be found not only in the Etruscan area of influence but even more so  in the complete Eastern Hallstatt Culture, especially Istria and Slovenia, and as imported goods even in Germany and beyond.


In 1978 a consortium for the protection and study of the engravings was established and there is a small museum, called the ‘Antiquarium’ near the site which displays objects from the excavations of the castle site. A bookshop is also present.

Further reading:

Arcà, A. et al. 1995. Rupe Magna, la roccia incisa piú grande delle Alpi, Sondrio.



Some Archaeology in Oxfordshire

If you are interested in some photos from our trip to England, go

Rollright Stones, Oxfordshire

here for the Rollright Stones, the King Stone, and the Whispering Knights in Oxfordshire and Warwickshire,

Uffington White Horse

here for Uffington Horse and the Uffington Castle hill fort,

Wayland's Smithy long barrow

and here for Wayland’s Smithy and Lambourn Seven Barrows, all in Oxfordshire.

Khufu’s expeditions – Die Expeditionen des Cheops

Apart from the Great Pyramid Complex in Saqqara few buildings and artefacts relate directly to Khufu’s reign. Later descriptions and stories like the Westcar Papyrus (probably Middle Kingdom) and the writings of Herodotus (5th century BC)1 and Manetho (3rd century BC)2 were written many centuries after Khufu’s death and developed over time into distorted descriptions of a cruel and godless pharaoh. Since there are no contemporary sources, few details of his life are actually known. One puzzle piece in Khufu’s life, however, is the recently discovered inscriptions of expeditions and mining activities of Khufu. These signs, sometimes not more than a cartouche or a simple text, can nonetheless give us important information about Khufu’s ambitions and ideas concerning his role as pharaoh, his relationship with the ‘enemies of Egypt’, the outside, and even social changes within Egypt.

pdf file with a short essay about Khufu’s expeditions (written by me):

Khufu’s expeditions – Die Expeditionen des Cheops

Jüngst entdeckte Inschriften aus der Regierungszeit des Pharao Cheops welche über militärische Expeditionen und Steinbrucharbeiten berichten bilden eine neue ergänzende Quelle für eine ansonsten wenig bekannte Zeit des Alten Reiches. Aus der Zeit Cheops gibt es abgesehen von der nach ihm benannten Cheopspyramide nur wenige Bauwerke und Artefakte.

Photo by J.P. Sébah (1838-1890) published by Museum of Fine Arts, Boston

Spätere Beschreibungen und Erzählungen wie die Berichte des Herodot (5. Jahrhundert v. Chr.) oder des Manetho (3. Jahrhundert v. Chr.) wurden erst viele Jahrhunderte nach dem Tode Cheops niedergeschrieben und geben nur eine verzerrte Beschreibung des wahren Cheops wieder. Durch die Inschriften und archäologischen Überreste seiner Expeditionen erschließt sich uns eine neue Bewertungsgrundlage für diesen außergwähnlichen Herrscher und seine Zeit.

Das beigefügte pdf file (leider nur in Englisch) gibt eine Übersicht über seine Expeditionen und was die neu gewonnenen Informationen für eine Interpretation bezüglich der Ambitionen Khufus, seiner Vorstellung über die Rolle des Pharaos, seine Beziehung zu den ‘Feinden’ Ägyptens und der nichtägyptischen Außenwelt und selbst über die sozialen Veränderung der ägyptischen Gesellschaft zulassen.

The main inscription at Khufu 01/01 recording an expedition of two officers in Khufu’s 27th regnal year. On the right a representation of the oasis god Igai.Preliminary Report on the Field Season 2002 of the ACACIA Project in the Western Desert published by the Sonderforschungsbereich SFB 389, University of Cologne

pdf file mit einem kurzen Essay (englisch)  über die Expeditionen Cheops (von mir geschrieben):

Khufu’s expeditions – Die Expeditionen des Cheops


Top articles Febuary 2011: Wilmshurst et al., High-precision radiocarbon dating shows recent and rapid initial human colonization of East Polynesia

A German version can be found here.

I wish journal editors would insist on short titles for articles *sigh*. But anyway, my second article in the top 3 list is a publication on the colonization of Eastern Polynesia. Four top-class scientist came together to re-examine and evaluate radiocarbon data to get a better picture of the colonization of Eastern Polynesia: Janet Wilmshurst from the government owned Landcare Research, an environmental and research organisation in New Zealand; Wilmshurst is probably best known for her work on Pacific rats but has a wide field of interests, Terry Hunt from the Anthropology Department at University of Hawaii, who is engaged in ongoing research on Rapa Nui, Carl Lipo from the Department of Anthropology in Long Beach and co-founder of the IIRMES institute whose  interest in development of theoretical models to study patterns of change clearly showed in this article, and last not least Atholl Anderson from the ANU college of Asia & the Pacific, who is currently directing a major program on Initial Colonization in the Indo-Pacific Region.

There has been a long debate about how and in which time frame Polynesia has been settled with various partially contradicting theories. To address the conflicting chronologies Wilmshurst et al. reverted to a simple yet as it showed, extremely effective method. They sighted the available radiocarbon dates and sorted them into reliability classes. The most reliable data (which the authors named “class 1”) from short lived plants and terrestrial bird eggshells with marginal errors (to circumvent the substantial wiggle in the calibration curve) were then contrasted to less reliable radiocarbon dates, partially taken from samples without any connection materials or commensals like the Pacific rat.

This was the general view of colonization dates for Polynesia (photo from a poster display at the Bishop museum, Honolulu):

 Presuming a starting point in Samoa and Tonga from which the settlement of the Eastern islands started around 800 BC (Wilmshurst et al. 2011, 1818) Wilmshurst et al. could demonstrate that class 1 data had a very short chronology of settlement for all islands including far off ones like Rapa Nui and New Zealand. In short, the authors could establish two migrational phases: a first one to the Society Islands and possibly as far as Gambier at around AD 1025 to 1121 (orange shading on the map) and a second one to every other island in East Polynesia at AD 1200 to 1290.

Wilmshurst et al. 2011, fig.1

Their findings will have an immense impact on studies of settlement patterns in Polynesia. Some chronologies could be confirmed (e.g. New Zealand and Rapa Nui) other colonizing chronologies were shortened and pushed back in date by several hundred years (e.g. the Marquesas, Hawaiian archipelago). The most astonishing result from their study is the uniform timing of the expansion to even the remotest islands like Auckland Island, Hawaii, or Rapa Nui.

The authors then offer different cultural based explanations for the new settlement chronology like population growth, purposeful explorations with the help of technical innovations but also environmental factors or disasters; they here mention the peak El Niño in the 13th century but one can also think of volcanic eruptions although the source eruption for the AD 1259 eruption is still unknown and the Kaharoa, New Zealand eruption dates to the early 14th century and is therefore too late to be taken into consideration.

In a final point they address problems that need urgent reconsideration in respect of the new data set, as there are:

  • introduction of sweet potatoes
  • linguistics
  • artefact similarities
  • human impact on island ecosystems (deforestation, plant and animal extinctions)

Their list could be expanded to genetics (cp. Brewis et al. 1995, Asia Pacific J Clin Nutr 4, 361-5), appearance and stylistic of monumental architecture, dating of rock art to name but a few. There is hope,  that this will be a stimulus to new research into these problems in order to re-analyse present conceptions.

Overall an excellent article that showed how you can make a big step forward in a stagnating topic just by reviewing radiocarbon dates. I was very surprised to find that five islands completely lacked class 1 data and apart from New Zealand reliable radiocarbon dates are the exception instead of the rule. It also reminds us to question the reliability of C14 dates anew when trying to establish cultural development over time.

Only two minor points of critique are left on my side. One is the idea of el Niño events as driving force behind the direction of colonization. Already in the first phase migrations spread considerably to the east, while only very mild el Niño effects have been described for this period (Crowley 2000, Science 289, 2707; Mann et al. 2003, Eos 84, 256-8); The second phase is marked by a spread not only towards the east, but also towards the north and southwest. Since colonization happened within a very short period of time as the authors have demonstrated, it is unlikely that increased westerly and/or easterly winds could be responsible alone.

The second is the attribution of the island of Rapa Nui to the second phase of colonization. In fig . 3 of the article they compare the radiocarbon dates and Rapa Nui has nearly as early dates as Gambier and the Society islands. In my view they could also qualify for the early phase. Besides, if we are considering the normal oceanic circulation

 (see picture), then the equatorial counter current would have brought a maritime sailor right to the border of the American continent and hence also possibly to Rapa Nui.

 I want to conclude with a citation by the authors:

“…previously supported implications that there was a long period of relatively benign interaction among humans, rats, dogs, pigs, and indigenous vertebrates now need revision, as our refined model of colonization chronology suggests that impacts had to have been immediate, severe, and continuous.”

Maybe we can learn something for our future, because this is exactly what human impact always seems to be: immediate, severe, and continuous.

Full citation of article: J M Wilmshurst, T L Hunt, C P Lipo, and A J Anderson, High-precision radiocarbon dating shows recent and rapid initial human colonization of East Polynesia, PNAS 108 (5), 2011, 1815-20.

This article is available online through the PNAS open access option.

Top Articles from February 2011: Potter et al., A Terminal Pleistocene Child Cremation and Residential Structure from Eastern Beringia

It all started as an archaeological dream. This is exactly what happened to Ben Potter from University of Alaska in Fairbanks and grad student Joshua Reuther from Universtiy of Arizona, Tucson. On their last day of exvcavation at the dune site next to the river Tanana they came across a human skull. A dream story indeed. Several authors from both universities reported this sensational find in Eastern Beringia, Central Alaska in Science magazine in the 25th Feburary issue.

The cremated bones of a child were found in a pit-hearth inside a construction at the Upward Sun River Site (USRS).  Although there is some criticism from my side, mainly on the way it was presented, it is without doubt a discovery of enormous importance. Few human reains are known from the period when the Beringian Sea was as low as to allow human traverse from Siberia to North America nor in the following time of deglaciation.

A particular dearth exists on the Eurasian side. Only one site with human remains from that time period are known from Ushki Lake, Island of Kamchatka, Russia. On the North American side (according to the authors) only one cavesite is known to contain human remains from this time period (On-Your-Knees Cave) but this site is dated to 9200 BP (marine reservoir effect considered) and thus roughly 1000 years younger. USRS is radiocabondated to 11,500 cal BP from charcoal samples of the pit fill and pit base).

An approximately three (± 1) year old child was creamted on a pit-hearth. From the preserved bones, the child seemed to have been still aproximately in situ, it could be concluded that the child was placed on the fire in a supine position, only slightly inclined towards the right hand side.  One species of the fuel source has been identified as poplar (Populus balsamifera). Underlying samples were contemporaneous with the fill. Identified fauna from the pit-hearth included about roughly one third salmonids, one third voles, a quarter squirrels and some minorly represented species like hare and grouse. Whole animals were deposited in the pit-hearth but the squirrels seemed to have been cooked. The pit must have been backfilled soon after the cremation event and thus facilitated the excellent preservation of the cremation and animal bones. The event must have taken place in mid-summer, based on unfused epiphyses of squirrels and the salmon present. Directly associated with the semi-subterranean building were 350 lithic artefacts (mostly tertiary flakes related to tool maintenance) in a concentration to the east end of the building. apart from two small ochre fragments within the pit-hearth, no items that could be described as grave goods were found in the hearth.

Potter et al. 2011, Science 331, fig. 3

The authors then try to put this cremation into context which proves difficult since no remains were found within houses, and cremations are only know from two sites (Marmes, where at least ten where found with six of them inside a hearth, and Spirit Cave where two cremations were put into woven bags and buried in a cave). A comparison with Ushki L6 where two child inhumation burials underneath a hut floor were found in Layer 6 seemed more rewarding according to the authors. Although I personally see more similarities to e.g.  Marmes where several skeleton were burnt together with a great amount of animal bones (mostly small mammals and salmon, too) in a pit-hearth. Also the date for Marmes (10,500 years BP) is as close to USRS as Ushki’s are (10,350 years BP).

What I personally didn’t like about the essay was the rash interpretations of the authors. From the start they referred to the human remains and the construction as ‘the burial and house’, thus generating the idea of an actual ‘burial’ in a domestic context. Can we really infer this from the data given by the authors?

Less than 20 % of the child’s skeleton was present. The listing of the missing parts roused some conspiciousness. “Most vertebral centra and arches, the scapulae, clavicles, innominates, and almost all bones of the legs and feet are absent”. However, the remaining fragile bones, and we are talking of pieces up to 2 cm, were lying in situ. Someone must have removed very carefully the missing 80 % of the bones  of the burnt skeleton. The cremation in the pit-hearth could therefore very well addressed as pre-burial preparation, the ‘important’ bones being removed and the the actual burial could have taken place elsewhere, leaving the feature as an excarnation place. A separate excarnation in contrast to the actual burial would also very well explain the absence of ‘grave goods’.

The statement that the faunal remains belonged to “earlier episodes” is in my opinion questionable, since the dates all fall into the same age range. Other possible explanations are a funerary feast or ritual burning (after all we are talking about 213 -a third of all present species- voles and mice which were burnt complete in contrast to the squirrel stew) or anything in between. Strangely no radiocarbon dates were taken from faunal remains.

Stone tools are more more or less restricted to one side of the building, which according to the position of the postholes  might have been the back of the building, and consisted of flakes from tool maintenance. With hardly any other flakes or microblades this could be connected to a single event, namely the erecting of the building, specially built for the cremation/excarnation event. No domestic refuge seems to be existing that would support earlier domestic occupation.

The presented plan of the building shows a considerable charcoal staining around the building but is not addressed in the text at all.

Despite the suggestive and somewhat pre-occupied interpretation of the authors, this is a very exciting discovery and the excellent geoarchaeological  work and the detailed examination of the faunal and human remains will add immensely to our understanding of the peopling of North America and especially about ritual behaviour and treatment of the dead within these early settler communities in America.

Full citation of article: BA Potter et al., A Terminal Pleistocene Child Cremation and Residential Structure from Eastern Beringia, Science 331, 2011, 1058-62.

Petrie Museum, London

The Petrie Museum is with roughly 80,000 artefacts one of the finest museums on Egyptian and Sudanese archaeology. The initial collection was donated by the writer Amelia Edwards. Together with Sir William Flinders Petrie’s private collection, which he sold to the University College in 1913 it soon became one of the leading collections of Egyptian art outside of Egypt.

Hopefully they will move into a new building soon where the richness of their collection can be more appreciated than at their current home in the Darwin Building on the UCL campus.

Meanwhile enjoy a collection of memories from this year’s visit  here at my blog 🙂

Mit seinen über 80.ooo Sammlungsstücken ist das Petrie Museum in London eines der bedeutendsten Museen für ägyptische und sudanesische Archäologie außerhalb Ägyptens. Die ersten Stücke wurden von der Schriftstellerin Amelia Edwards an das University College in London gestiftet. 1913 hat dann Sir William Flinders Petrie seine umfangreiche Privatsammlung an das College verkauft. Zuerst nur für Forscher und zur Ausbildung von akademischen Nachwuchs gedacht ist das Museum heute öffentlich zugänglich. Es befindet sich nach wie vor auf dem Gelände des University Colleges (UCL) im sogenannten Darwin Building in Bloomsberry.

Ein größeres Museum ist in Planung, wird aber noch sicher dieses Jahr dauern. Dann jedenfalls wird die Sammlung über drei Stockwerke ausgestellt und kann so besser gewürdigt werden als in den bisherigen 2 Räumen und ein Treppenhaus 🙂

Wer sich bis dahin schon mal ein Bild der Objekte dort machen will kann auf meinem Blog nachschauen. Ich habe dort einige Erinnerungen von meinem diesjährigen Besuch im Petrie Museum online gestellt.

Steven Mithen (UoR) on Wadi Faynan, Southern Jordan

He should know what he is talking about, since he not only co-edited a book about the excavations in Wadi Fayan toghether with the main author Bill Finlayson but is the project’s director.

Prof. Steven Mithen talked about  ‘Communal and monumental architecture at the origin of the Neolithic in the Near East: new evidence from Wadi Faynan, Southern Jordan’ at the Humanities Institute of Ireland (HII) of the UCD . You can find the podcast here.

Prof. Steven Mithen spricht am HII des University College Dublins über ‘Kommunale und monumentale Architektur und der Beginn des Neolithikums im Nahen Osten: Neue Forschungnen aus Wadi Faynan, Südjordanien’. Der Vortrag ist auf einem podcast zu hören.

Steven Mithen hat nicht nur in gemeinsamer Arbeit mit dem Ehepaar Finlayson ein Buch über die PPNA Siedlung Wadi Faynan herausgegeben, er ist auch der Projektleiter der langjährigen Ausgrabungen in Wadi Faynan. Der Podcast ist auf der HII Seite zu finden.

Museum of Natural History and Anthropology Juan Cornelio Moyano, Mendoza, Argentina

Photo: Torwen Baus

 Wir haben unsere  diesjährigen Weihnachtsferien in Argentinien verbracht. Und obwohl es eine Familienreise war ist es mir doch gelungen zwei Museen und eine Felsbilderstation zu sehen. Ja, meine Familie ist schon zu bedauern. Das erste Museum, das wir besucht haben war in Mendoza und ich habe eine allgemeine Beschreibung des Museums in meinem anderen Blog http://torwen.blogspot.com/2011/01/museum-of-natural-history-and.html.
Die Kindermumie aus Aconcagua hat mich besonders fasziniert und deswegen werde ich in Kürze hier etwas ausführlicher über Inka Opfer in den Anden berichten.

Vortrag von Hansjörg Küster, Leibniz Universität Hannover über "Kooperation zwischen Vor- und Frühgeschichte und Botanik"

Heute gab es in unserem Kolloquium einen Vortrag von Prof. Küster von der Uni Hannover. Es ging ihm hauptsächlich darum die enge und  auch direkte Zusammenarbeit von Archäologen und Botanikern zu fördern oder zumindest ein gegenseitiges Verständnis zu entwickeln. Der Vortrag war einerseits sehr elementar, enthielt einen Humor dem ich nicht folgen konnte (ich finde es nie gut sich in einem Vortrag über andere lustig zu machen, schon gar nicht unter Verwendung von stereotypen Aussagen) hatte aber auch einige interessante Aspekte zu bieten.

Zum einen gefielen mir seine Aussagen zur Entstehung des „Nachhaltigkeitsbegriffes“ in der Forstwirtschaft.

Publius Cornelius Tacitus schrieb 98 n. Chr.  über das freie Germanien (Germania 5,1):  Terra, etsi aliquanto specie differt, in universum tamen aut silvis horrida aut paludibus foeda, humidior, qua Gallias, ventosior, qua Noricum ac Pannoniam aspicit; (Obwohl sich das Land nach seiner Erscheinung beträchtlich unterscheidet, ist es doch im allgemeinen entweder mit unwirtlichen Wäldern oder mit wüsten Sümpfen bedeckt;).

Seit dem 18. Jahrhundert wurde diese Aussage zunehmend als Grundlage benutzt eine Wiederaufforstung der Wälder Deutschlands durchzusetzen[1]

Friedrich Ludwig Jahn, der “Turnvater” Jahn, forderte während der Freiheitskriege allen Ernstes, man möge einen Wald gegen die Franzosen pflanzen, damit sie sich darin verliefen – genauso wie 1800 Jahre früher die Römer in der Schlacht am Teutoburger Wald[2].

Aus dem Nicht-Wissen der fortschreitenden Entwicklung und ständigen Anpassung eines Waldes an das Klima und auch an die Kulturansprüche des Menschen heraus versucht man einen „Idealwald“ zu erschaffen und künstlich am Leben zu erhalten. Was wir jedoch bräuchten wäre ein „vernünftiger“ Wald. Wie dieser konkret geartet sein solle verschwieg Prof. Küster. Aber alleine für das Bewusstmachen dass auch die Natur in einer ständigen Entwicklung steckt bin ich ihm dankbar. Vielen Menschen fehlt diese Vorstellung und es wird daher versucht einen vermeintlichen „Idealzustand“ wieder herzustellen, den es aber in Wirklichkeit nie gab.

Ein zweiter sehr interessanter Punkt war die Tatsache dass sich Wälder, die sich in einer Kulturlandschaft des  Menschen befinden, nicht laut Textbuch weiterentwickeln. Am Beispiel der Verbreitung von Eichen und Buchen zeigte er, dass die Ausbreitung von Buchen stark mit aufgegebenen Siedlungen verknüpft ist und nicht nur vom Klima oder der Temperatur abhängt.

Küster 2001, Abb. 2

An diesem Diagramm sieht man deutlich dass die Ausbreitung der Buche auch bei Klimaschwankungen die mit mehreren Grad Temperaturunterschieden einhergehen ungehindert voranging. Entscheidend war die Art der Landwirtschaft. In Zeiten einer shifting cultivation[3] nahm die Eiche kontinuierlich ab, die Buche aber zu. Erst mit einer dauerhaften Bewirtschaftung und festen Siedlungsstandorten nahm die Buche wieder ab.

verändert nach Küster 1999, Abb. 4

Ich könnte mir dies so erklären, dass für den Hausbau und als Brennstoff in prähistorischen Zeiten die Eichenwälder stark dezimiert wurden. Dadurch konnte sich die Buche dort besser ausbreiten, wo die gerbsäurebildende Eiche fehlte. Denn durch die Gerbsäure verhindert die Eiche das Wachstum von Konkurrenz.

Ab der LaTène-Zeit nahm der Bedarf an Buche zu, da diese die höchste Temperatur unter den  Holzkohlen liefert und für Glashütten aber auch für die härter gebrannte Keramik eine solch hohe Temperatur benötigt wird. Damit könnte der Rückgang der Buchenwälder zu erklären sein. Zusätzlich wurden aufgrund des festen Standortes der Siedlungen der Wald als Weidefläche benutzt wurde und deshalb vielleicht der Eichenbestand wieder gefördert wurde, man denke nur an die Schweinemast.

Ein dritter mir bis dahin nicht bekannter Punkt war die Tatsache dass Mohn aus dem westlichen Mittelmeerraum stammt und die Verbreitung die er in der Linearbandkeramik hatte durch Transfer in das Rhein-Meuse Gebiet kam. Als Zwischenglied wird hier die La Hoguette Kultur genannt, die genau zwischen Ursprungsgebiet und LBK Fundorten liegt, auch wenn dort noch kein Mohnsamen selbst gefunden wurde[4] was aber durchaus eine Forschungslücke sein kann, da Mohnsamen aufgrund seiner geringen Größe sehr schwer zu entdecken ist.

Alles in allem ein doch sehr lohnender Vortrag, auch wenn Prof. Küster durchaus etwas mehr Grundwissen in der Archäobotanik voraussetzen dürfte. Ganz so ignorant sind wir Archäologen doch auch wieder nicht.

[1] s. Küster, H. 1998. Geschichte des Waldes. Von der Urzeit bis zur Gegenwart, München.

[2] Küster, H. 2001. Auch der Wald hat seine Geschichte, Der deutsche Wald, 2001. (online: http://www.buergerimstaat.de/1_01/wald02.htm)

[4]  Bakels, C.C. Fruits and seeds from the Linearbandkeramik settlement at Meindling, Germany, with special reference to Papaver somniferum, Analecta Praehistorica Leidensia 25, 55-68.


Küster, H. 2001. Auch der Wald hat seine Geschichte, Der deutsche Wald, 2001, Abb. 2 (online: http://www.buergerimstaat.de/1_01/wald02.htm).

Küster, H. 1999. Naturschutz und Ökologie – Bewahren des Wandels. – Biologen heute. Mitteilungen des Verbandes Deutscher Biologen e.V. und biowissenschaftlicher Fachgesellschaften 445, 5/99, Abb. 4.

Eine Publikationsliste von Hansjörg Küster findet sich hier: